Ihor Kolomoiskiy faces growing legal troubles
August 2020 has not been a good month for Ukrainian oligarch Ihor Kolomoiskiy and his business partners, but Kolomoiskiy’s mounting legal woes may be cause for renewed optimism in the fight against transnational corruption.
On August 4 and 5, aggressive legal steps were taken by the
American authorities against Kolomoiskiy. In tandem with political pressure,
these US initiatives also represent recognition that concerted international
measures are necessary to staunch the massive flow of illicit funds out of poor,
corrupt nations into the hands of shadowy figures behind anonymous companies in
rich democratic countries.
This month’s crackdown involved Kolomoiskiy and his
Ukrainian business partner Hennadiy Boholyubov. They are accused of moving an
estimated USD 10 billion out of the country offshore through Ukraine’s largest
bank PrivatBank, which the pair owned until 2016.
Ukrainian taxpayers ended up holding the bag for the bank
after the Ukrainian authorities discovered a USD 5.6 billion hole in its
balance sheet which threatened to bring down the country’s entire banking
system. Privatbank was nationalized in December 2016 and recapitalized.
Now under state ownership, the new management of PrivatBank
has followed the money and begun legal proceedings in multiple jurisdictions in
a bid to recoup the cash. A 2019 lawsuit in Delaware led to an August 4 FBI
raid of the offices of US companies in Cleveland and Miami that own real estate
and steel plants linked to the two Ukrainian oligarchs.
On August 5, the US Justice Department moved to seize
commercial properties in Kentucky and Texas from the Ukrainian pair, accusing
them of stealing billions of dollars from PrivatBank and laundering much of the
money in the US. The two devised a scheme to “thoroughly disguise their nature,
source, ownership, and control,” according to the US Justice Department’s
statement.
Kolomoiskiy denies any wrongdoing.
He and his partner or affiliates have counter-sued and have
also sought to regain ownership of PrivatBank, or at least to secure
compensation for the 2016 nationalization. However, these efforts have been
stymied by successive Ukrainian administrations and the country’s international
partners including the International Monetary Fund, which has stipulated that
it will not lend money to the Ukraine if Kolomoiskiy gets his bank back.
This uncompromising IMF stance is thought to have been
instrumental in pushing Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and the
Ukrainian parliament to pass legislation in spring 2020 that safeguarded the
post-2014 reform of the country’s banking sector and specifically prevented the
return of nationalized assets to former owners.
PrivatBank’s international legal dragnet has raised
considerable interest from those engaged in the battle to counter money
laundering worldwide. In April 2020, the Ukrainian bank’s USD 3 billion claim
in Britain received the nod from the United Kingdom Supreme Court, which ruled
that the case could be heard in a British court.
Another legal claim for USD 600 million in Israel grinds its
way through the courts and involves allegations that bank accounts and oligarch
affiliates received USD 1.2 billion in fraudulent transfers from Cyprus between
2007 and 2011. Meanwhile, in a lawsuit filed in Cyprus against the bank’s
former owners, PrivatBank is claiming USD 5.5 billion in compensation for
fraudulent schemes that allegedly took place between 2013 and 2016.
These geographically diverse cases are an indication that
the American, British, Cypriot, Latvian (funds allegedly flowed through the
Baltic nation to Delaware), and Israeli financial systems have failed to
prevent flows from unknown sources.
Notably embarrassing is the fact that EU members Cyprus and
Latvia were apparent conduits, even though PrivatBank’s branches were under
their regulatory purview. In the US and Britain, the PrivatBank case is seen by
many as further evidence of the need to ban anonymous companies.
The ongoing international financial fallout from the
nationalization of PrivatBank continues to underscore the need for Ukraine to
get its own legal act together. On August 13, a court session to approve the
serving of a summons to Kolomoiskiy from a Tel Aviv court was frustrated when
the Ukrainian judge reportedly canceled the session without explanation.
“On the eve of the hearing, Kolomoiskiy’s lawyer came to the
judge, briefly talked to her and left. As a result, the meeting did not take
place, and Kolomoiskiy’s lawyer quickly disappeared from the courthouse,” said
a source at the Ministry of Finance.
Fortunately, American officials and others are now showing a
greater willingness than their Ukrainian counterparts to apply the rule of law
and to investigate, prosecute, freeze assets, and mete out punishment. The
recent developments in the US suggest that Kolomoiskiy may be held accountable
for alleged corrupt practices despite the apparent impunity he continues to
enjoy in Ukraine.
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