1.5 million Jews were shot to death at close range in open fields in Ukraine! YES Volodymyr Zelenskyy
In the history of the Holocaust, the summer and fall of 1941
are especially significant because they represent a period of critical
escalation. In a matter of months mobile Nazi killing units, which had begun
shooting all adult male Jews during the invasion of the Soviet Union, expanded
to include a genocide targeting women, children, and entire Jewish communities.
On January 20, 1942, top Nazi officials and representatives
of the Reich authorities met in Wannsee, a suburb outside of Berlin. At this
meeting, chaired by Reinhard Heydrich, the Reich Security Main Office formed
the extermination plans for the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question.” The
Wannsee Conference, as it is now called, led to the creation of a network of
extermination camps designed to systematically murder the entire European
Jewish population.
Before the killing centers opened at Birkenau, Treblinka,
Sobibor, Belzec, and Majdanek, more than 1.5 million Jews had already been
murdered by the Germans, their Axis allies, and local collaborators in Ukraine,
Belarus, and other USSR republics. These were the first victims of the
Holocaust.
They were not transported by trains to the famous killing
sites in Poland, with their gas chambers and crematoria that typically
characterize the Holocaust in the minds of most people. Instead, these
Holocaust victims were taken from their homes, usually by foot, to the
outskirts of the cities, towns, and villages where they lived and were brutally
shot—face to face or in the back—often in the presence of local residents and
non-Jewish neighbors.
The mass shooting of Jewish victims in the summer and fall
of 1941 represents the first phase of the Holocaust, often referred to by
historians as “the Holocaust by bullets.” It was during this initial phase that
special German killing squads (Einsatzkommandos) coordinated the mass murder of
Jews by bullets with the help of the SS, Wehrmacht troops, the Romanian
military, special “operational squadrons,” order police units, and local
collaborators.
Before World War II, the 1.5 million Jews living in the
Soviet republic of Ukraine constituted the largest Jewish population within the
Soviet Union, and one of the largest Jewish populations in Europe. Between 1939
and 1941, when Stalin occupied Galicia, western Volhynia, northern Bukovina,
and southern Bessarabia (see map below), the number of Jews in the Ukrainian
Soviet Republic (UkrSSR) rose to 2.45 million people, increasing the percentage
of Jews from five to six percent.
The massacre in the Ukrainian town of Kamianets-Podilsky was
one of the first sites of mass murder during the “Holocaust by bullets.” Of the
40,000 residents of Kamianets-Podilsky, a regional administrative center
located near the prewar Polish-Soviet border, Jews made up about a third of the
town’s population. When German and Hungarian troops captured the town in early
July, thousands of Jews fled east and approximately 12,000 remained.
Shortly after the region was captured, government officials
in Budapest expelled all Jews from Carpatho-Ukraine, a region that came under
Hungarian control during the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia in 1938 and 1939.
Carpatho-Ukraine contained not only large indigenous Jewish communities, but
also thousands of Jewish refugees from the Greater German Reich and Poland.
As a result, by the end of July, more than 10,000 Jews from
Carpatho-Ukraine arrived in Kamianets-Poldilsky, the nearest town across the
Hungarian border. The influx of thousands of people put a strain on the already
limited housing situation and meager food supply. Diplomatic efforts to return
the Carpatho-Ukrainian Jews to Hungary failed.
On August 25, 1941, during a meeting between the High
Command of the Army and the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories
discussing the establishment of a civil administration in the region, Friedrich
Jeckeln reportedly devised an “ominous solution” promising to “liquidate these
Jews” before September 1, 1941.
The next day, on August 26, Jeckeln personally led the
Aktion against the Jews in Kamianets-Podilsky. Since Einsatzgruppen C’s
commandos were farther east, Jecklen called in Police Battalion 320, which was
reinforced by a company of ethnic Germans from the Baltic region. The first
day, Hungarian troops and police units led 4,200 men, women, and children to an
execution site where they were shot.
According to eyewitnesses, the victims had to hand over all
valuables, undress, climb down into a pit, and lie down on the ground or on top
of each new layer of fresh corpses where they were shot in the back of the
head. Witnesses also report that Jeckeln and several Wehrmacht officers
supervised the events from a nearby hill overlooking the killing site. The next
day, Police Battalion 320 shot an additional 11,000 Jews.
The Aktion not only included the murder of the Jews from
Carptho-Ukraine, but also two-thirds of Kamianets-Podilsky’s indigenous Jewish
population. When the shooting stopped, Jeckeln proudly informed the High
Command of Army Group South, the highest military authority in Ukraine, that
23,600 Jews, including 14,000 Jews from Carpatho-Ukraine, had been killed.
Although not yet a common practice in occupied Ukraine, the Germans established
a ghetto for the remaining 4,800 Jews after the massacre.
The mass killing of Jews at Kamianets-Podilsky represents
the largest massacre of Jews in Ukraine during the summer of 1941, and signaled
a decisive shift in the Holocaust from targeting certain groups of Jewish males
to the indiscriminate murder of entire Jewish communities. This transformation
continued throughout the fall of 1941, as tens of thousands of men, women, and
children were shot to death in ravines, open fields, and forests throughout
Ukraine.
Perhaps the most famous mass shooting in Ukraine took place
at Babi Yar, the site of one of the largest mass shootings of Jews in
German-occupied Europe. On September 19, 1941, German forces entered the city
of Kyiv, the capital of Ukraine.
Prior to the German invasion of the Soviet Union, an
estimated 160,000 Jews resided in Kyiv, which represented close to 20 percent
of the city’s population. Once the invasion was underway, however, about
100,000 Jews fled Kyiv or were conscripted into the Red Army. Those that
remained in the city mostly included women, children, and the elderly.
The immediate pretext for the massacre in Kyiv was a series
of explosions in the Ukrainian capital caused by Soviet mines, which had been
timed to explode after the Germans entered the city. These explosions destroyed
German headquarters and many buildings along the main streets located in the
center of the city. The blasts also killed a large number of German soldiers
and officials.
In many smaller Ukrainian cities, after the Wehrmacht
secured control, Nazi officials registered, isolated, and forced the local
Jewish population to clear rubble, repair roads, sweep for mines, and perform
other labor-intensive tasks. This usually continued for several weeks before
security forces began organizing mass shootings.
In Kyiv, however, instead of utilizing Jewish forced labor
to repair the damage caused by the mine explosions, Nazi officials used the
sabotage as a pretext to murder the Jews who still remained in the Ukrainian
capital. Some historians contend that this decision was made in coordination
with housing authorities since the fires caused by the Soviet mine explosions
created an immediate housing problem.
The Wehrmacht worked closely with the SS and police forces
in Kyiv. On September 29-30, 1941, under the guidance of Einsatzgruppen C, the
SS, German police units and their auxiliaries rounded up a significant
proportion of the Jewish population in Kyiv and transported them to a ravine
called Babi Yar, located just outside the city. The victims were summoned to
the site, forced to undress, and then required to enter the ravine.
Sonderkommando 4a, under the command of SS-Standartenführer Paul Blobel, shot
them in small groups.
A brief report summarizing the events states that on
September 29 and 30 Sonderkommando 4a, in collaboration with Einsatzgruppen HQ
and Police Regiment South, executed 33,771 Jews. At least 40 copies of this
post-action report were distributed in Berlin, to the SS, police battalions,
the Wehrmacht, and high-ranking Nazi party officials. Since reports such as
these were routinely copied, read, and discussed in detail, the 1941 mass
shootings being conducted in Ukraine were widely known in Nazi government and
party circles.
Just days after the mass murder of Kyiv’s Jews, Hitler
issued an “Order of the Day to the Eastern Front” which described the Soviet
Union as a system created and controlled by Jews.
A week later, General Field Marshal Walter von Reichenau,
the highest-ranking army official in Ukraine, reiterated Hitler’s message in a
subsequent security order for troops in the Eastern Territories, calling for all
soldiers to “accept and carry out severe retribution against the subhuman
species of Jewry.”
The directives by Hitler and Reichenau clearly demonstrate
how the Holocaust rapidly escalated in Ukraine. Within a matter of months,
orders calling for the murder of Jewish males with communist ties expanded to
include the indiscriminate murder of women, children, and entire Jewish
communities. The radicalization of Nazi racial policy continued throughout the
war as the Germans developed new methods of extermination.
In addition to large-scale massacres such as those at
Kamianets-Podilsky and Babi Yar, there were hundreds of smaller mass shootings
in towns and villages throughout Ukraine, with the number of victims ranging
from 100 to 3,000 in each location. After the war, the Jewish Preservation
Committee of Ukraine identified 495 such sites, but a more recent estimate by
the Catholic-Jewish Organization, Yahad-In Unum, puts the total number of sites
at 916.
The extraordinary work by Father Patrick Desbois, who
interviewed hundreds of witnesses throughout Ukraine, reveals a general pattern
of how these smaller mass shootings unfolded. According to Desbois, “the way
the massacres took place depended on the circumstances—topography, the presence
of partisans—different facts that the Germans had to weigh to perpetrate the
most rapid and efficient assassinations as possible.”
However, certain characteristics were common to all mass
shootings in Ukraine. The testimony of Nikolai Olkhusky from Konstiantynivka in
the Zaporijie region illustrates how these events generally unfolded:
“There were people of every age—children, old people. They
had been told to gather because they were going to be taken to work somewhere
and that they should take some food and their children because there would be
nurseries in which they would be looked after…The Jews had a sort of armband.
Then they were told to undress and they were thrown into the pits. At the end
of the day I went to look; the earth was moving [since many had not died right
away].”
Local policemen and German officials often requisitioned
non-Jewish civilians to dig pits, fill in mass graves, collect Jewish clothing,
sort through Jewish valuables, pull out teeth, or transport Jews to pits in
their carts. The requisitioned were mostly young men, women, children, or
adolescents who were not only present at the event, but also “had been forced
to participate…depending on the task imposed on them by the Germans.”
There are several reasons that help explain why the
“Holocaust by bullets” and the study of the Holocaust in Ukraine remains a
lesser-known aspect of the Holocaust. First, Holocaust Studies only established
itself as a field in the 1990s. In the beginning, the field tended to focus on
antisemitism within the highest decision-making levels of the Third Reich.
Secondly, “Auschwitz syndrome,” or the tendency among
historians, philosophers, political scientists, and the general public to focus
on the killing centers where an estimated 3 million men, women, and children
were gassed and cremated in an industrialized, systematic fashion, also drove
scholarship in the early stages of Holocaust Studies. In this way, according to
Lower and Brandon, “Auschwitz became the central symbol of modernity derailed,
the nadir of Western civilization,” which inevitably led scholars to neglect
other places where the Holocaust unfolded in a different way.
Third, until 1991, scholars lacked access to the regional
archives of the former Soviet Union. During the Cold War, Soviet officials
sought to repress most discussions of the unique fate of Jews under Nazi rule.
Instead, Soviet scholars examined the suffering of all “peaceful citizens,”
which undoubtedly included the destruction of the Jewish population, but also
focused on a wide range non-Jewish of victims. According to Wendy Lower and Ray
Brandon, “this manifestation of Soviet antisemitism guaranteed that the
archives in Ukraine [and other successor states] remained closed until the
Soviet Union collapse.”
Today, the killing sites in Ukraine are practically
undetectable. As Paul A. Shapiro writes, these places “offer up none of the
architectural design elements that shape the iconic imagery of the Holocaust
memorial sites worldwide—“Arbeit Macht Frei” encased in ironwork, the curve of
the arched gateway to Auschwitz-Birkenau, or the chimney of a crematorium.”
Many of the Jewish victims murdered by the Nazis remain
invisible as well. According to the Central Database of Shoah Victims’ Names
kept by the Holocaust Reembrace Center in Yad Vashem, about 50 percent of the
Jewish victims of “the Holocaust by bullets,” still remain to be identified.
Although there is no “architecture of destruction” at the
killing sites in Ukraine, the first Jewish victims of the Holocaust did not
simply disappear from the face of the earth, and “the Holocaust by bullets” is
crucial to understanding how the Holocaust developed. “For every echelon of the
Nazi regime,” the historian Raul Hilberg argues, “the summer months of 1941
mark a transition from uncertainty to certainty” as policies aimed toward the
male Jewish population quickly expanded to include entire Jewish communities.
Moreover, it was after shooting Jewish victims en mass that
the German policy towards Jews took a fateful turn. Mass murder by gunfire took
a cumulative toll on German soldiers and proved inefficient in achieving goals
aimed at exterminating all Jews. It was the experience and failures of
“Holocaust by bullets” that eventually led to the decision to shift to an
organized, systematic murder of Jews in the form of industrial extermination
camps.
Comments
Post a Comment