Russian Mercenaries Enter African Wars
BERLIN — It was late May, as 10,000 spectators arrived at Barthélemy Boganda Stadium in Bangui, the capital of the Central African Republic, for a special film premiere. There was a red carpet for the VIPs arriving for the film "Tourist" — a feature that glorifies the use of Russian mercenaries, who heroically defend the local population from murderous rebels in a fictional African conflict.
According to the Russian media, the propaganda film was financed by Yevgeny Prigozhin. The Kremlin-linked oligarch is considered the mastermind behind Russia's best-known mercenary outfit, the Wagner group. But their real activities in the Central African Republic contradict the movie script.
For example, CNN uncovered apparent war crimes in a mosque
in the city of Bambari on February 15. Eyewitnesses reported indiscriminate
shots and at least 12 deaths, heavily implicating Russian mercenaries and the
Central African army. There were no rebels among the dead, they said, citing
multiple other similar incidents.
Moscow uses "state-financed military contractors"
in at least 16 African countries to "disguise and plausibly deny Moscow's
direct role."
This coincides with findings of the United Nations Working
Group on the Use of Mercenaries. The Working Group is "deeply
concerned" about the connection between mercenaries and a series of brutal
attacks in the Central African Republic. One receives "reports on
significant human rights violations." The UN emphasizes the role of the
Wagner Group, whose activities are also documented in Libya.
The West is also watching the growing influence of the
Russian organization in other parts of Africa. The U.S. warned that Moscow uses
"state-financed military contractors" in at least 16 African
countries to "disguise and plausibly deny Moscow's direct role."
The German daily Bild quotes from a secret paper of the German
Federal Foreign Ministry which was released in 2019. According to the paper,
the Wagner group is a Russian "hybrid instrument to exert political,
economic and military influence." Its capabilities are "of great
interest to autocratic regimes in a possible use against their own
population."
The Wagner group was also expected to be talked about this
week in Berlin, at the second international conference on the future of Libya.
German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas had invited Moscow to the meeting. The first
Libya summit in Berlin in January 2020 was a response to the
internationalization of the conflict: the Gulf States, Turkey, Russia — the
list of participants is long.
An end to military support for civil war parties was agreed
at the conference. Admittedly, the new transitional government in Libya gives
cause for hope. But the withdrawal of foreign troops and mercenaries, which was
agreed in the ceasefire, is still an issue. The German foreign ministry says
that the Libyan transitional government had repeatedly reiterated its call for
the withdrawal to be completed.
According to information from Die Welt sources, there are
currently 7,191 mercenaries from the Wagner group deployed around the world,
the majority in Syria, partly for onward travel to other countries. These
include counter-terrorism units, telecommunications battalions, air defense and
eight "political scientists" — most likely working on disinformation
campaigns. The mercenaries had supported the advance of renegade General
Khalifa Haftar towards the capital Tripoli, a mockery of international efforts
for peace.
So far, there is no sign of a withdrawal. "The Wagner
group has not left the country," says Paul Stronski from the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace. The mercenaries are a "low-cost
instrument for power projection" for Russia. They are dealing with a
"semi-independent actor" who, although controversial with the Russian
army and Foreign Ministry, acts in the interest of President Vladimir Putin.
"Otherwise, he would stamp out Wagner the way he did with other Russian
military companies."
Putin is focused on regaining Russia's lost influence in
Africa
Formed around 2014, the group is said to have been involved
in the wars in eastern Ukraine and Syria, always in line with Putin's
interests. Wagner commander Dmitri Utkin, a former Russian intelligence officer
with a fondness for the composer Richard Wagner, personally received a medal of
valor from the Russian president.
But the mastermind and main financier is probably Yevgeny
Prigozhin. The oligarch is nicknamed "Putin's cook" because he once
personally served the ruler in one of his restaurants. At that time, he made
millions with lucrative catering contracts from the Kremlin. In the meantime,
he is believed to have brought in billions by providing strategic services.
According to U.S. investigators, he influenced the 2016 U.S. elections with his
notorious "troll factory" in Saint Petersburg. For the services of
the Wagner Group, he is apparently paid handsomely — often with concessions of
raw material.
For Wagner, autocratic countries are a prime target for new
business. Putin is also focused on regaining Russia's lost influence in Africa.
Since Russian trade volume on the continent is low, Putin relies on military
cooperation. The Wagner Group is his handy instrument for delicate operations
in which political responsibility and too much attention are to be avoided —
but which, as in Libya, give him weight at international negotiating tables.
Sometimes the mercenaries wear weapons, sometimes laptops.
The focus is often on who is in charge — or could be in charge in the future.
Facebook deleted numerous pages in 2019 that were intended to influence
politics in eight African countries. The social network announced that the
campaigns could have been traced back to companies associated with Prigozhin.
In Zimbabwe, the opposition accused Russian advisers
associated with the Wagner group of exerting influence in favor of the
government. And in Madagascar, according to media reports, consultants of the
company supported several presidential candidates — without success, none of
them won.
Denials are coming from the Russian side. "Wagner's
influence on local conflicts is often significantly exaggerated and
misinterpreted," says Andrei Liakhov. The Russian lawyer advises military
companies in Africa. "Wherever Russian companies have a project to develop
mineral resources, you will also find a military company that monitors
it," he says.
According to Liakhov, companies such as the Wagner Group are
not prepared for warfare, which has been seen in Mozambique. There, Liakhov
admits, the Wagner group tried to fight Islamic terrorists two years ago in the
hope of finding gas fields. After considerable losses, they withdrew.
The force is also active in Sudan and tried to keep
long-term dictator Omar Hassan Al-Bashir in power
But flight details seen by Die Welt appear to point to an
uptick in activity throughout Africa. On Jan. 4, 160 mercenaries of the Wagner
group landed at 3.50 a.m. at the Libyan Al Khadim airport. The contingent
included snipers, members of combat units and the alleged head of the Libya
mission, known as "Blanket." Around one-third of the fighters moved
directly to the Central African Republic and the fifth combat unit (238 people)
was relocated to the Libyan city of Sirte.
The force is also active in Sudan and tried to keep
long-term dictator Omar Hassan Al-Bashir in power. "The government has
hired them to suppress demonstrations more effectively," says Hafiz
Mohamed, director of the human rights organization Justice Africa Sudan.
The Wagner group defends the former militia leader Hemeti,
whom many consider Sudan's new strong man. The Russians help train young
Sudanese who send Hemeti to Yemen for war. There they fight alongside Saudi
Arabia, the majority of the wage remains with the warlord.
Mohamed says: "Wagner helps those who can afford to
pay."
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